三十一名西方學者，上週五在英文《臺北時報》發表給馬英九總統的公開信，對馬政府要跟中國簽經濟協議走向一國兩制、對陳水扁案的司法不公等「臺灣今日的司法倒退，政治制衡力退化，民主和新聞自由受損」，表示「深感失望」。
這些遠在美國、加拿大、亞洲、歐洲、澳洲的學者，三番五次（已是第五封公開信）寫信，關心臺灣前途，關注臺灣人命運。那份對臺灣的愛，那份對民主價值的捍衛，那份對臺灣要被中國吞併的擔憂，浸透在字裡行間。
馬英九剛上臺一年多，就引起西方學者如此關注和不安，這麼多次發表公開聯名信，說明他們清楚地意識到臺灣現狀的危機性。而且這些學者多是懂中文，都是研究台海問題的專家。僅舉我在會議上有過交往的幾位，就強烈感覺到，他們對臺灣的鼎力支持和擔憂，緣於他們對臺灣的深刻瞭解：
葉望輝曾是前美國副總統錢尼的亞洲安全顧問，不僅能講流利的中文，還會些台語。因他早年曾在臺灣南部傳道。正因為在南部，使他更瞭解臺灣人的歷史和情感。多年來，他一直為臺灣仗義執言，以至他被中國列入黑名單。
譚慎格曾任職美國國務院臺灣事務協調處，也是能講流利中文。能在美國大報就台海問題發表長篇大論的學者相當有限，譚慎格是重要一員。他那種鼎力支持民主臺灣的聲音，實在很難得。
巴黎里昂大學的政治學教授高格孚，也是知名的臺灣問題專家。他的博士論文就是寫臺灣外省人的國家認同轉變，中譯本（《風和日暖》）經臺灣允晨出版後，很暢銷。他也會講中文，多年來一直關注臺灣從獨裁國家走向民主的進程。
邁阿密大學政治系主任金德芳教授，是研究中國軍事問題的專家。她一向支持臺灣，不久前在美國奧蘭多臺灣人夏令營上，她分析馬政府全面傾中，對臺灣的處境非常擔憂。
章家敦的專著《即將崩潰的中國》曾在學界引起熱烈討論。多次在美國著名的保守派雜誌《評論》看到他的大塊文章，深入分析台海兩岸政情。美國賓夕法尼亞大學教授林蔚，也是經常在《評論》上撰文，分析海峽兩岸，對臺灣支持不遺餘力。章家敦和林蔚的妻子都是中國人，這大概也加深了他們對中國的瞭解。
這次公開信中，新名字有林培瑞（Perry Link）。他在中國異議知識份子中可謂鼎鼎大名。這位前普林斯頓大學東亞系教授，早在1972年中國代表團訪美，展開乒乓外交時，就被美政府選做中文翻譯。他的中文好到可以「用字正腔圓的京腔登臺講中國相聲」。他的妻子童屹，是當年天安門廣場學生領袖，後逃亡美國。
這種「中國通」對臺灣的擔憂不是無的放矢。這些學者明白表示，「我們不偏袒島內任何一方的政治爭議，而是完全著眼於臺灣的國際形象及信譽。」「因為我們強力支持臺灣的民主，並深深關切、在意、並希望看到這個民主自由的國家得以持續茁長。」
對西方這些學者的警鐘，馬政府很可能一如既往地裝聾作啞。但願它能喚起更多臺灣人心中的危機意識，奮起捍衛臺灣這來之不易的民主自由。我只是用這篇專欄，再一次提醒大家，這是西方學者就臺灣的民主法治倒退，陳水扁案的司法不公，發表的第五封公開信。這是一個很罕見的現象，它應該促使島內反對黨真正有所行動。
——————
附錄：
給馬總統的公開信
馬總統鈞鑒：
在過去一年來，來自美國、加拿大、亞洲、歐洲、澳洲等一群包括我們在內的國際學者，幾度公開向貴政府表達我們對臺灣目前的一些發展和走向的顧慮及關心。二○○八年十一月六日及十二月二日，在致貴法務部長王清峰的信件中，我們特別指出有關臺灣司法倒退、制度上的瑕疵、以及行之於在野黨成員的司法追究之濫權。
今年一月二十一日和五月二十一日，我們特撰兩封公開信給您馬總統，明確表達我們對司法公正、新聞自由及民主制衡的關切。新聞局長蘇俊賓給我們的回覆沒有針對問題核心；我們也未見到貴政府拿出具體行動解決問題，令人深感遺憾。
此後的一些後續發展—包括正面和負面的—再次激勵我們向您表達我們的意見。我們必須重申：我們之所以提出這些意見，是因為我們強力支持臺灣的民主，並深深關切、在意並希望看到這個民主自由的國家得以持續茁長。我們也強調，我們不偏袒島內任何一方的政治爭議，而是完全著眼於臺灣的國際形象及信譽。
有賴於臺灣人民的努力和堅持，臺灣在二十年前開始轉型成為一個民主社會。這項成就值得肯定，我們也堅信「民主」是臺灣在建立並強化其國際關係上，以及阻止外權干涉，最大的王牌。
我們相信您和我們有共識—臺灣的民主幼苗能夠成長茁壯，只有靠自由民主正義及人權的基本原則來培育，建立權責分明，公開透明的政治制度。此認知亦符合您今年簽署，經立法院核准的兩項聯合國人權條款的內容和精神，希望能更進一步依照國際法律協會的建議制定為法律，在臺灣實行。
在過去二十年，臺灣在這些方面有相當的進步；也因為如此，我們才會對臺灣今日的司法倒退、政治制衡力退化及民主、新聞自由受損而深感失望。在國際人權組織，如自由之家及無國界記者等，所發表的年度報告中，臺灣的排名退步，恰恰反映了上述種種的負面發展。
同樣的，這些負面發展也受到其它國際學者及友臺人士的關注，尤其是有關針對陳前總統司法案件的處理，包括審理過程中的瑕疵、辦案人員明顯缺乏中立、無數的偵查延期、以及對前朝政府官員彈劾的手段。為此我們再次訴請您確保司法公正、公平、公義。
今天當您的政府正把臺灣帶向與中國更密切的經濟合作路上，建立在自由民主正義及人權基本原則上的權責分明、公開透明的政治制度更形重要。我們肯定降低台海的緊張關係，但也要強調臺灣得來不易的民主及人權不容因此而被犧牲。
與對岸強鄰關係改善的過程必須是公開的、審慎的、並遵循民主的過程，與立法院及在野黨有完全溝通，對人民完全公開。我們欣聞貴政府官員公開表示：與中國的任何協議都必須得到國內的共識，以及為國際社會所接受。我們深信與中國對話的過程應會是公開的，諮詢性的，並尊重臺灣近二十年發展的民主傳統為前提而進行。
我們在此強調，一個國家的成長及繁榮，其經濟及政治關係必須保持國際多元化。但是與單一的鄰國過度親密，將迫使該國面臨此單一鄰國的不安穩所帶來的風險，尤其當此鄰國是一個藐視臺灣民主成就的極權國家，此威脅更形嚴重。
馬總統，我們以國際學者的身份觀察臺灣多年，支持並肯定臺灣的民主成就，深信臺灣有資格更加被國際社會接納為平等的一員。要達到此目標，唯一的方式是臺灣本身確保其民主成果，其主權、人權及基本自由有保障，社會民主更加鞏固，臺灣才有能力面對未來的挑戰。
順頌 鈞安
二○○九年十一月六日
前美國在臺協會主席白樂崎等31人
1.Nat Bellocchi 白樂崎〔前美國在臺協會主席﹞
2.Coen Blaauw 昆布勞﹝美國臺灣人公共事務會 ﹞
3.Gordon G. Chang 章家敦﹝「即將崩潰的中國」作者﹞
4.Peter Chow 周巨原﹝美國紐約市立學院經濟學教授﹞
5.Stephane Corcuff 高格孚﹝法國里昂大學「中國和臺灣研究」政治學副教授﹞
6.Michael Danielsen﹝丹麥哥本哈根「臺灣一角」主席 ﹞
7.June Teufel Dreyer金德芳﹝美國邁阿密大學政治學教授﹞
8.Edward Friedman ﹝美國威斯康辛大學政治學和東亞研究教授﹞
9.Michael Rand Hoare﹝英國倫敦大學退休副教授﹞
10.Christopher R. Hughes ﹝英國倫敦政經學院教授 ﹞
11.Thomas G. Hughes ﹝美國前參議員斐爾國會辦公室主任﹞
12.Terri Giles賈泰麗﹝美國福爾摩莎基金會執行長﹞
13.Bruce Jacobs家柏 ﹝澳洲蒙納許大學亞洲語言和研究教授﹞
14.Richard C. Kagan柯耕義﹝美國翰林大學教授歷史系榮譽教授﹞
15.Jerome F. Keating祈潤夫﹝國立臺北大學副教授（已退休）﹞
16.David Kilgour﹝加拿大前國會議員、亞太國務卿﹞
17.Andre Laliberte﹝加拿大渥太華大學副教授﹞
18.Perry Link 林培瑞 （美國普林斯頓大學東亞研究所退休教授﹞
19.Daniel Lynch ﹝美國南加州大學副教授﹞
20.Liu Shih-Chung劉世忠﹝美國布魯金斯研究院客座研究員﹞
21.Victor H. Mair﹝美國賓夕法尼亞大學中國語言和文學系教授﹞
22.Donald Rodgers﹝美國德州奧斯汀大學政治學副教授﹞
23.Christian Schafferer﹝僑光科技大學國際貿易系副教授，奧地利東亞研究協會主任，「當代東亞」主編﹞
24.Scott Simon ﹝加拿大渥太華大學副教授﹞
25.Michael Stainton﹝加拿大多倫多York Center for Asia Research﹞
26.Peter Tague﹝美國喬治城大學法律系教授﹞
27.John Tkacik 譚慎格﹝前美國傳統基金會資深研究員及前美國務院臺灣事務協調處官員﹞
28.Arthur Waldron林蔚﹝美國賓夕法尼亞大學國際關係學教授﹞
29.Vincent Wei-cheng Wang王維正﹝美國里奇蒙大學政治學教授﹞
30.Gerrit van der Wees韋傑理﹝臺灣公報編輯﹞
31.Stephen Yates葉望輝 ﹝ DC Asia諮詢顧問團主席，前美國副總統國家安全政策顧問﹞
原載：《Taipei Times》，《自由時報》翻譯並轉載 2009-11-13
◇◇◇◇◇◇◇◇◇
An open letter to Taiwan’s president
Friday, Nov 13, 2009,
Dear President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九),During the past year, we, the undersigned — scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Asia, Europe and Australia — have publicly expressed to your government our concerns about a number of trends and developments in Taiwan. On Nov. 6, 2008, and again on Dec. 2 in letters to Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng (王清峰), we focused on the issues of erosion of justice, significant flaws in the judicial system and judicial abuses against members of the democratic opposition.
On Jan. 21, 2009, and again on May 21, we addressed two open letters to you, Mr. President, expressing concern about the fairness of the judicial system, as well as erosion of press freedom and democratic checks and balances.
We regret to say that the responses received from Government Information Office (GIO) Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.
Since then, a number of developments have taken place — some positive and some negative — which prompted us to write to you again to express our views on these issues. We wish to reiterate that we raise these points as strong international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation.
We also emphasize that we do not take sides in internal political debates, but do have Taiwan’s international image and credibility as an international partner in mind. Because of the hard work and perseverance of the Taiwanese people, Taiwan was able to make the transition to democracy two decades ago.
We applaud this achievement and strongly believe that this basic fact, democracy, is the strongest card Taiwan can play in building and strengthening its relations with other countries around the world and the strongest protection against outside interference in Taiwan’s internal affairs.
We are sure that you would agree with us that Taiwan’s young democracy can only grow and prosper if it is nurtured through good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights. This would also adhere to both the letter and spirit of the two UN human rights covenants signed by you and ratified by the Legislative Yuan, and be enhanced by the implementation of these covenants into national law in accordance with the advice of the International Commission of Jurists.
During the past two decades, Taiwan has made major progress in each of these areas. It thus has been a disappointment for us to see an erosion of justice, a weakening of checks and balances in the democratic system and a decline in press freedom in Taiwan.
These trends are reflected in the significantly downward ratings Taiwan received in the annual reports of international organizations such as Freedom House and Reporters without Borders.
They are also reflected in the expressions of concern by international scholars and friends of Taiwan related to the flaws in the judicial proceedings against former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and the apparent lack of neutrality in the continuing 「investigations」 and indictments of other prominent members of the former DPP government. We thus appeal to you again to ensure that measures are taken to ensure the impartiality and fairness of the judiciary.
Good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights are all the more essential now that your government is moving Taiwan on a path of closer economic ties with China. We believe that a decrease of tension across the Taiwan Strait would indeed be welcome, but emphasize that this should not be done at the expense of the hard-won democracy and human rights in Taiwan itself.
Thus, the process of improving relations with your large neighbor across the Taiwan Strait needs to be an open, deliberative and democratic process, in full consultation with both the Legislative Yuan and the democratic opposition, and fully transparent to the general public.
We are thus pleased to hear that officials of your government have stated that any agreement with China would need to have both a domestic consensus, including approval by the Legislative Yuan, and acceptance by the international community.
We trust this process will be open and consultative in ways that respect the democratic traditions begun so promisingly two decades ago. Indeed, we emphasize that a country can only grow and prosper if it has diversified ties — economically and politically — to other countries.
Too close an embrace with one neighbor will expose that country to the risks of volatility in the neighboring country, in particular if that neighbor remains authoritarian and openly disrespectful of Taiwan’s democratic achievements.
Mr. President, we wish to emphasize again that, as international scholars and writers who have followed, supported and applauded Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy, we feel strongly that Taiwan should be more fully accepted by the international community as a full and equal partner.
This can only be achieved if Taiwan ensures that its democratic achievements are safeguarded, that its sovereignty, human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected, and that the democratic fabric of society is strengthened so the country is ready to meet the challenges ahead.
Respectfully yours,
NAT BELLOCCHI
Former chairman, American Institute in Taiwan
COEN BLAAUW
Formosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington
GORDON CHANG
Author, 「The Coming Collapse of China」
EDWARD FRIEDMAN
Professor of political science and East Asian studies, University of Wisconsin
PETER CHOW
Professor of economics, City College of New York
STEPHANE CORCUFF
Associate professor of political science, China and Taiwan studies, University of Lyon
MICHAEL DANIELSEN
Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen
JUNE TEUFEL DREYER
Professor of political science, University of Miami
JOHN TKACIK
Former senior research fellow at The Heritage Foundation and former officer at the Taiwan Coordination Desk, Department of State, Washington
TERRI GILES
Executive director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles
MICHAEL RAND HOARE
Emeritus reader at the University of London
CHRISTOPHER HUGHES
Professor of international relations, London School of Economics and Political Science
THOMAS HUGHES
Former chief of staff to the late senator Claiborne Pell, Washington
BRUCE JACOBS
Professor of Asian languages and studies, Monash University
RICHARD KAGAN
Professor emeritus of history, Hamline University
JEROME KEATING
Associate professor, National Taipei University (retired).
David Kilgour
Former member of parliament and secretary of state for Asia-Pacific (2002-2003), Canada
ANDRE LALIBERTE
Associate professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa
DANIEL LYNCH
Associate professor, School of International Relations, University of Southern California
LIU SHIH-CHUNG
Visiting fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington
VICTOR MAIR
Professor of Chinese language and literature, University of Pennsylvania
DONALD RODGERS
Associate professor of political science, Austin College
CHRISTIAN SCHAFFERER
Associate professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology, chair of Austrian Association of East Asian Studies
SCOTT SIMON
Associate professor, University of Ottawa, Canada
MICHAEL STAINTON
York Center for Asia Research, Toronto
PERRY LINK
Professor emeritus of East Asian Studies,Princeton University
PETER TAGUE
Professor of law,Georgetown University
ARTHUR WALDRON
Lauder professor of international relations, University of Pennsylvania
VINCENT WEI-CHENG WANG
Professor of political science, University of Richmond
GERRIT VAN DER WEES
Editor of 「Taiwan Communique,」 Washington
STEPHEN YATES
President of DC Asia Advisory and former deputy assistant to the US vice president for national security affairs.
Taipei Times 2009-11-13
