三十一名西方学者，上周五在英文《台北时报》发表给马英九总统的公开信，对马政府要跟中国签经济协议走向一国两制、对陈水扁案的司法不公等“台湾今日的司法倒退，政治制衡力退化，民主和新闻自由受损”，表示“深感失望”。
这些远在美国、加拿大、亚洲、欧洲、澳洲的学者，三番五次（已是第五封公开信）写信，关心台湾前途，关注台湾人命运。那份对台湾的爱，那份对民主价值的捍卫，那份对台湾要被中国吞并的担忧，浸透在字里行间。
马英九刚上台一年多，就引起西方学者如此关注和不安，这么多次发表公开联名信，说明他们清楚地意识到台湾现状的危机性。而且这些学者多是懂中文，都是研究台海问题的专家。仅举我在会议上有过交往的几位，就强烈感觉到，他们对台湾的鼎力支持和担忧，缘于他们对台湾的深刻了解：
叶望辉曾是前美国副总统钱尼的亚洲安全顾问，不仅能讲流利的中文，还会些台语。因他早年曾在台湾南部传道。正因为在南部，使他更了解台湾人的历史和情感。多年来，他一直为台湾仗义执言，以至他被中国列入黑名单。
谭慎格曾任职美国国务院台湾事务协调处，也是能讲流利中文。能在美国大报就台海问题发表长篇大论的学者相当有限，谭慎格是重要一员。他那种鼎力支持民主台湾的声音，实在很难得。
巴黎里昂大学的政治学教授高格孚，也是知名的台湾问题专家。他的博士论文就是写台湾外省人的国家认同转变，中译本（《风和日暖》）经台湾允晨出版后，很畅销。他也会讲中文，多年来一直关注台湾从独裁国家走向民主的进程。
迈阿密大学政治系主任金德芳教授，是研究中国军事问题的专家。她一向支持台湾，不久前在美国奥兰多台湾人夏令营上，她分析马政府全面倾中，对台湾的处境非常担忧。
章家敦的专著《即将崩溃的中国》曾在学界引起热烈讨论。多次在美国著名的保守派杂志《评论》看到他的大块文章，深入分析台海两岸政情。美国宾夕法尼亚大学教授林蔚，也是经常在《评论》上撰文，分析海峡两岸，对台湾支持不遗余力。章家敦和林蔚的妻子都是中国人，这大概也加深了他们对中国的了解。
这次公开信中，新名字有林培瑞（Perry Link）。他在中国异议知识分子中可谓鼎鼎大名。这位前普林斯顿大学东亚系教授，早在1972年中国代表团访美，展开乒乓外交时，就被美政府选做中文翻译。他的中文好到可以“用字正腔圆的京腔登台讲中国相声”。他的妻子童屹，是当年天安门广场学生领袖，后逃亡美国。
这种“中国通”对台湾的担忧不是无的放矢。这些学者明白表示，“我们不偏袒岛内任何一方的政治争议，而是完全着眼于台湾的国际形象及信誉。”“因为我们强力支持台湾的民主，并深深关切、在意、并希望看到这个民主自由的国家得以持续茁长。”
对西方这些学者的警钟，马政府很可能一如既往地装聋作哑。但愿它能唤起更多台湾人心中的危机意识，奋起捍卫台湾这来之不易的民主自由。我只是用这篇专栏，再一次提醒大家，这是西方学者就台湾的民主法治倒退，陈水扁案的司法不公，发表的第五封公开信。这是一个很罕见的现象，它应该促使岛内反对党真正有所行动。
——————
附录：
给马总统的公开信
马总统钧鉴：
在过去一年来，来自美国、加拿大、亚洲、欧洲、澳洲等一群包括我们在内的国际学者，几度公开向贵政府表达我们对台湾目前的一些发展和走向的顾虑及关心。二○○八年十一月六日及十二月二日，在致贵法务部长王清峰的信件中，我们特别指出有关台湾司法倒退、制度上的瑕疵、以及行之于在野党成员的司法追究之滥权。
今年一月二十一日和五月二十一日，我们特撰两封公开信给您马总统，明确表达我们对司法公正、新闻自由及民主制衡的关切。新闻局长苏俊宾给我们的回复没有针对问题核心；我们也未见到贵政府拿出具体行动解决问题，令人深感遗憾。
此后的一些后续发展—包括正面和负面的—再次激励我们向您表达我们的意见。我们必须重申：我们之所以提出这些意见，是因为我们强力支持台湾的民主，并深深关切、在意并希望看到这个民主自由的国家得以持续茁长。我们也强调，我们不偏袒岛内任何一方的政治争议，而是完全着眼于台湾的国际形象及信誉。
有赖于台湾人民的努力和坚持，台湾在二十年前开始转型成为一个民主社会。这项成就值得肯定，我们也坚信「民主」是台湾在建立并强化其国际关系上，以及阻止外权干涉，最大的王牌。
我们相信您和我们有共识—台湾的民主幼苗能够成长茁壮，只有靠自由民主正义及人权的基本原则来培育，建立权责分明，公开透明的政治制度。此认知亦符合您今年签署，经立法院核准的两项联合国人权条款的内容和精神，希望能更进一步依照国际法律协会的建议制定为法律，在台湾实行。
在过去二十年，台湾在这些方面有相当的进步；也因为如此，我们才会对台湾今日的司法倒退、政治制衡力退化及民主、新闻自由受损而深感失望。在国际人权组织，如自由之家及无国界记者等，所发表的年度报告中，台湾的排名退步，恰恰反映了上述种种的负面发展。
同样的，这些负面发展也受到其它国际学者及友台人士的关注，尤其是有关针对陈前总统司法案件的处理，包括审理过程中的瑕疵、办案人员明显缺乏中立、无数的侦查延期、以及对前朝政府官员弹劾的手段。为此我们再次诉请您确保司法公正、公平、公义。
今天当您的政府正把台湾带向与中国更密切的经济合作路上，建立在自由民主正义及人权基本原则上的权责分明、公开透明的政治制度更形重要。我们肯定降低台海的紧张关系，但也要强调台湾得来不易的民主及人权不容因此而被牺牲。
与对岸强邻关系改善的过程必须是公开的、审慎的、并遵循民主的过程，与立法院及在野党有完全沟通，对人民完全公开。我们欣闻贵政府官员公开表示：与中国的任何协议都必须得到国内的共识，以及为国际社会所接受。我们深信与中国对话的过程应会是公开的，咨询性的，并尊重台湾近二十年发展的民主传统为前提而进行。
我们在此强调，一个国家的成长及繁荣，其经济及政治关系必须保持国际多元化。但是与单一的邻国过度亲密，将迫使该国面临此单一邻国的不安稳所带来的风险，尤其当此邻国是一个藐视台湾民主成就的极权国家，此威胁更形严重。
马总统，我们以国际学者的身分观察台湾多年，支持并肯定台湾的民主成就，深信台湾有资格更加被国际社会接纳为平等的一员。要达到此目标，唯一的方式是台湾本身确保其民主成果，其主权、人权及基本自由有保障，社会民主更加巩固，台湾才有能力面对未来的挑战。
顺颂 钧安
二○○九年十一月六日
前美国在台协会主席白乐崎等31人
1.Nat Bellocchi 白乐崎〔前美国在台协会主席﹞
2.Coen Blaauw 昆布劳﹝美国台湾人公共事务会 ﹞
3.Gordon G. Chang 章家敦﹝「即将崩溃的中国」作者﹞
4.Peter Chow 周巨原﹝美国纽约市立学院经济学教授﹞
5.Stephane Corcuff 高格孚﹝法国里昂大学「中国和台湾研究」政治学副教授﹞
6.Michael Danielsen﹝丹麦哥本哈根「台湾一角」主席 ﹞
7.June Teufel Dreyer金德芳﹝美国迈阿密大学政治学教授﹞
8.Edward Friedman ﹝美国威斯康辛大学政治学和东亚研究教授﹞
9.Michael Rand Hoare﹝英国伦敦大学退休副教授﹞
10.Christopher R. Hughes ﹝英国伦敦政经学院教授 ﹞
11.Thomas G. Hughes ﹝美国前参议员斐尔国会办公室主任﹞
12.Terri Giles贾泰丽﹝美国福尔摩莎基金会执行长﹞
13.Bruce Jacobs家柏 ﹝澳洲蒙纳许大学亚洲语言和研究教授﹞
14.Richard C. Kagan柯耕义﹝美国翰林大学教授历史系荣誉教授﹞
15.Jerome F. Keating祈润夫﹝国立台北大学副教授（已退休）﹞
16.David Kilgour﹝加拿大前国会议员、亚太国务卿﹞
17.Andre Laliberte﹝加拿大渥太华大学副教授﹞
18.Perry Link 林培瑞 （美国普林斯顿大学东亚研究所退休教授﹞
19.Daniel Lynch ﹝美国南加州大学副教授﹞
20.Liu Shih-Chung刘世忠﹝美国布鲁金斯研究院客座研究员﹞
21.Victor H. Mair﹝美国宾夕法尼亚大学中国语言和文学系教授﹞
22.Donald Rodgers﹝美国德州奥斯汀大学政治学副教授﹞
23.Christian Schafferer﹝侨光科技大学国际贸易系副教授，奥地利东亚研究协会主任，「当代东亚」主编﹞
24.Scott Simon ﹝加拿大渥太华大学副教授﹞
25.Michael Stainton﹝加拿大多伦多York Center for Asia Research﹞
26.Peter Tague﹝美国乔治城大学法律系教授﹞
27.John Tkacik 谭慎格﹝前美国传统基金会资深研究员及前美国务院台湾事务协调处官员﹞
28.Arthur Waldron林蔚﹝美国宾夕法尼亚大学国际关系学教授﹞
29.Vincent Wei-cheng Wang王维正﹝美国里奇蒙大学政治学教授﹞
30.Gerrit van der Wees韦杰理﹝台湾公报编辑﹞
31.Stephen Yates叶望辉 ﹝ DC Asia咨询顾问团主席，前美国副总统国家安全政策顾问﹞
原载：《Taipei Times》，《自由时报》翻译并转载 2009-11-13
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An open letter to Taiwan’s president
Friday, Nov 13, 2009,
Dear President Ma Ying-jeou (马英九),During the past year, we, the undersigned — scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Asia, Europe and Australia — have publicly expressed to your government our concerns about a number of trends and developments in Taiwan. On Nov. 6, 2008, and again on Dec. 2 in letters to Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng (王清峰), we focused on the issues of erosion of justice, significant flaws in the judicial system and judicial abuses against members of the democratic opposition.
On Jan. 21, 2009, and again on May 21, we addressed two open letters to you, Mr. President, expressing concern about the fairness of the judicial system, as well as erosion of press freedom and democratic checks and balances.
We regret to say that the responses received from Government Information Office (GIO) Minister Su Jun-pin (苏俊宾) did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.
Since then, a number of developments have taken place — some positive and some negative — which prompted us to write to you again to express our views on these issues. We wish to reiterate that we raise these points as strong international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation.
We also emphasize that we do not take sides in internal political debates, but do have Taiwan’s international image and credibility as an international partner in mind. Because of the hard work and perseverance of the Taiwanese people, Taiwan was able to make the transition to democracy two decades ago.
We applaud this achievement and strongly believe that this basic fact, democracy, is the strongest card Taiwan can play in building and strengthening its relations with other countries around the world and the strongest protection against outside interference in Taiwan’s internal affairs.
We are sure that you would agree with us that Taiwan’s young democracy can only grow and prosper if it is nurtured through good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights. This would also adhere to both the letter and spirit of the two UN human rights covenants signed by you and ratified by the Legislative Yuan, and be enhanced by the implementation of these covenants into national law in accordance with the advice of the International Commission of Jurists.
During the past two decades, Taiwan has made major progress in each of these areas. It thus has been a disappointment for us to see an erosion of justice, a weakening of checks and balances in the democratic system and a decline in press freedom in Taiwan.
These trends are reflected in the significantly downward ratings Taiwan received in the annual reports of international organizations such as Freedom House and Reporters without Borders.
They are also reflected in the expressions of concern by international scholars and friends of Taiwan related to the flaws in the judicial proceedings against former president Chen Shui-bian (陈水扁) and the apparent lack of neutrality in the continuing “investigations” and indictments of other prominent members of the former DPP government. We thus appeal to you again to ensure that measures are taken to ensure the impartiality and fairness of the judiciary.
Good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights are all the more essential now that your government is moving Taiwan on a path of closer economic ties with China. We believe that a decrease of tension across the Taiwan Strait would indeed be welcome, but emphasize that this should not be done at the expense of the hard-won democracy and human rights in Taiwan itself.
Thus, the process of improving relations with your large neighbor across the Taiwan Strait needs to be an open, deliberative and democratic process, in full consultation with both the Legislative Yuan and the democratic opposition, and fully transparent to the general public.
We are thus pleased to hear that officials of your government have stated that any agreement with China would need to have both a domestic consensus, including approval by the Legislative Yuan, and acceptance by the international community.
We trust this process will be open and consultative in ways that respect the democratic traditions begun so promisingly two decades ago. Indeed, we emphasize that a country can only grow and prosper if it has diversified ties — economically and politically — to other countries.
Too close an embrace with one neighbor will expose that country to the risks of volatility in the neighboring country, in particular if that neighbor remains authoritarian and openly disrespectful of Taiwan’s democratic achievements.
Mr. President, we wish to emphasize again that, as international scholars and writers who have followed, supported and applauded Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy, we feel strongly that Taiwan should be more fully accepted by the international community as a full and equal partner.
This can only be achieved if Taiwan ensures that its democratic achievements are safeguarded, that its sovereignty, human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected, and that the democratic fabric of society is strengthened so the country is ready to meet the challenges ahead.
Respectfully yours,
NAT BELLOCCHI
Former chairman, American Institute in Taiwan
COEN BLAAUW
Formosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington
GORDON CHANG
Author, “The Coming Collapse of China”
EDWARD FRIEDMAN
Professor of political science and East Asian studies, University of Wisconsin
PETER CHOW
Professor of economics, City College of New York
STEPHANE CORCUFF
Associate professor of political science, China and Taiwan studies, University of Lyon
MICHAEL DANIELSEN
Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen
JUNE TEUFEL DREYER
Professor of political science, University of Miami
JOHN TKACIK
Former senior research fellow at The Heritage Foundation and former officer at the Taiwan Coordination Desk, Department of State, Washington
TERRI GILES
Executive director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles
MICHAEL RAND HOARE
Emeritus reader at the University of London
CHRISTOPHER HUGHES
Professor of international relations, London School of Economics and Political Science
THOMAS HUGHES
Former chief of staff to the late senator Claiborne Pell, Washington
BRUCE JACOBS
Professor of Asian languages and studies, Monash University
RICHARD KAGAN
Professor emeritus of history, Hamline University
JEROME KEATING
Associate professor, National Taipei University (retired).
David Kilgour
Former member of parliament and secretary of state for Asia-Pacific (2002-2003), Canada
ANDRE LALIBERTE
Associate professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa
DANIEL LYNCH
Associate professor, School of International Relations, University of Southern California
LIU SHIH-CHUNG
Visiting fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington
VICTOR MAIR
Professor of Chinese language and literature, University of Pennsylvania
DONALD RODGERS
Associate professor of political science, Austin College
CHRISTIAN SCHAFFERER
Associate professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology, chair of Austrian Association of East Asian Studies
SCOTT SIMON
Associate professor, University of Ottawa, Canada
MICHAEL STAINTON
York Center for Asia Research, Toronto
PERRY LINK
Professor emeritus of East Asian Studies,Princeton University
PETER TAGUE
Professor of law,Georgetown University
ARTHUR WALDRON
Lauder professor of international relations, University of Pennsylvania
VINCENT WEI-CHENG WANG
Professor of political science, University of Richmond
GERRIT VAN DER WEES
Editor of “Taiwan Communique,” Washington
STEPHEN YATES
President of DC Asia Advisory and former deputy assistant to the US vice president for national security affairs.
Taipei Times 2009-11-13
